Porter’s Five Forces Analysis Essay Example for Free

Porter’s Five Forces Analysis Essay Porter’s Five Forces Analysis Michael Porter provided a framework that analyses an industry as being influenced by five forces. It has been suggested that management, attempting to establish a competitive marketing advantage over rivals, can use this model to understand the industry context in which the business operates and take appropriate strategic decisions. Threat of entry This means the ease with which other firms can join the industry and compete with existing businesses. The threat of entry is greatest when: economies of scale are low in the industry technology needed to enter the industry is relatively cheap istribution channels are easy to access, e. g. retail shops are not owned by existing manufacturers in the industry there are no legal or patent restrictions on entry The importance of product differentiation is low, so extensive advertising may not be required to get established. The power of buyers This refers to the power that customers have on the producing industry. For example, if there are four major supermarket groups that dominate this sector of retailing, their buyer power over food and other producers will be great. Buyer power will also be increased when: here are many undifferentiated small supplying firms, e. g. many small farmers supplying milk or chicken to large supermarket businesses the cost of switching suppliers is low Buyers can realistically and easily buy from other suppliers. The power of suppliers Suppliers will be relatively powerful compared with buyers when: the cost of switching is high, e. g. from PC computers to AppleMacs When the brand being sold is very powerful and well known, e. g. Cadbury’s chocolate or Nike shoes. Suppliers could realistically threaten to open their own forward-integration operations, e. g. offee suppliers open their own cafes. Customers have little bargaining power as they are small firms and fragmented, e. g. dispersed around the country as with independent petrol stations. The threat of substitutes In Porter’s model, ‘substitute products’ does not mean alternatives in the same industry such as Toyota for Honda cars. It refers to substitute products in other industries. For instance, the demand for aluminum for cans is partly affected by the price of glass for bottling and plastic for containers. These are substitutes for aluminum, but they are not rivals in the same industry. Competitive rivalry This is the key part of this analysis – it sums up the most important factors that determine the level of competition or rivalry in an industry. It is based on the other four forces which are why it is often illustrated in the center of the Five Forces diagram. Competitive rivalry is most likely to be high where: it is cheap and easy for new firms to enter an industry there is a threat from substitute products suppliers have much power Buyers have much power. Reference: http://classof1. com/homework-help/earth-science-homework-help/

Swahili Morphology A Comparison English Language Essay

Swahili Morphology A Comparison English Language Essay Introduction Swahili is an example of a Bantu language. Bantu languages belong to the South Central subgroup of the Niger-Congo language family. These languages are closely related to languages used in central, east-central and southern Africa (Sands, 2009). Due to the colonial history of the countries in this area, Swahili contains many loanwords from English, Arabian, Persian Indian languages, Portuguese, German and other Bantu languages. Their origins are often hardly recognisable. The reason for this is that the structure remains Bantu. In this structure, the derivational system has an important role (Mohammed, 2001). This paper contains a description of this system and other underlying processes of Swahili morphology. In this description, we draw parallels between Swahili and English. As mentioned earlier, we know that Swahili is connected to English by its loanwords. But do the two languages have anything in common concerning morphological structure and processes? 2 Typology English is an inflectional language: words are modified to express their grammatical function. Swahili is a polysynthetic language: complicated sentences are expressed using a single word (Fromkin, 2000). Swahili is a Subject-Verb-Object language in which the object and the subject can be null; this may lead to insertion of a zero morpheme. In a phrase, grammatical relations like subject and object are determined by the positions they are in. This makes Swahili a position language instead of a case language. In a case language (like German) the form of the noun or pronoun changes to show the grammatical relation. The following expression illustrates the use of SVO order in Swahili (Vitale, 1981) (Note: a gloss can be found in the appendix): (1) Juma a-li-wa-piga watoto Juma-he-P-them-hit-children Juma hit the children S V O 3 Word and morpheme classes Many Swahili words are built up by using roots and affixes. Affixes may be described in terms of the class or category of the word they combine with, and the category of word found by the root and affix combination. Whereas roots do not change, many affixes do. Swahili morphology is summarily described under the main headings: pronouns and pronominal prefixes, verbs and noun classes (Safari Akida, 1991). 3.1 Free and bound morphemes Whether a morpheme is bound or free, can be defined by considering their occurrence. Morphemes that can occur on their own are said to be free. Bound morphemes need to be attached to other morphemes. In English, for instance, nouns are free- and determiners are bound morphemes (Fromkin, 2000). Both bound and free morphemes occur in Swahili, but there are more bound morphemes than free morphemes. In English, certain word classes are always bound (like nouns); in Swahili one word class can contain both bound and free morphemes: (2) baba father samaki fish (3) m-toto child wa-toto children ki-su knife vi-su knives The nouns in example (2) (Mohammed, 2001) are free morphemes. The nouns in example (3) are bound morphemes. The word stems -toto and -su require a prefix that gives the word a certain number and class (Givon, 2001). Adjectives, like -dogo, meaning small, also need a number- and class prefix (m-, wa-, ki-, vi-, etc.). This leads to clauses like m-dogo, which can be used to express that it is small for a child (ibid.). 3.2 Pronouns and pronominal prefixes Pronouns in Swahili are divided into personal, possessive, demonstrative, generalising and interrogative pronouns (Myachina, 1981). Personal pronouns have a morphemic structure built out of roots plus the appropriate marker. These independent pronouns can stand on their own and function as an object or a subject. But they are only used in selective contexts: for instance the word ni am as in I am an African Mimi ni Africano. Next to that, they can also emphasize the subject of the sentence. In (2i) and (2ii), mimi underlines the subject (Benjamin, 1998): (4) (i) Ninataka watoto I want children (i) Mimi ninataka watoto I (really) want children (ii) Nitapita posta I will pass by the post office (ii) Mimi nitapita posta I will pass by the post office A pronoun can never replace a pronominal prefix, if a construction requires a pronominal prefix. A pronominal prefix must be included whether or not an independent pronoun is used. *Mimi tapita posta is an ill formed Swahili sentence. Pronominal prefix Person ni- 1st person singular u- 2nd person singular a- 3rd person singular tu- 1st person plural m-/mw- 2nd person plural w-/wa- 3rd person plural Not only does the pronominal prefix marks the person, it also marks the subject or object position. This is determined by the place of the pronoun within the verb: (5) Wao wanaamka They are waking up (subject) Mimi nitawaamsha I will wake them up (object) 3.3 Verbs Besides subject and object markers, tense markers can be attached to Swahili verbs as prefixes. The essential component of any finite verb is (in the following order): subject prefix tense marker verb root. If an object prefix is inserted, the verb root always follows. A negation marker of the verb always precedes the subject prefix (Safari Akida, 1991). The following template illustrates how Swahili verbs are built (Deen, 2001): (6) Subject Agreement- Tense- Object Agreement- Verb-suffixes Mood (SA) (T) (OA) (V) (M) The object agreement is an optional item. If there is a specific direct object, the object agreement is obligatory; if the direct object isnt specific, the object agreement can be deleted (ibid.). Mood is always the final suffix. It can either be indicative -a, subjunctive -e, or negative -i. When the suffix is indicative, the word describes ongoing actions or states, habitual actions of the present, actions and states in the past or future and imperatives. The subjunctive mainly expresses desires, possibility, necessity and requests (ibid.). In Swahili clauses, the infinitive (a prefix) is rarely used; other inflectional prefixes are used to modify the clause. We can conclude that Swahili is a bare verb language. In English, bare stems are also used without the infinitive to like in I can sing (Deen, 2003).This puts the two languages in the same class: they are both bare verb languages instead of root infinitive languages. 3.4 Nouns In Swahili, every noun is assigned to a specific noun class. The noun classes are generally marked by a class prefix. Swahili nouns are inflected for gender and number by a characteristically Bantu prefix system (Vitale, 1981). Gender is grammatical and affixes mark a noun for membership in a noun class. These are, for the most part, not definable on semantic grounds. There is a certain amount of discrepancy as to which of several numbering systems should be used in the classification of the gender system. The original Swahili classes 12 and 13 have no reflexes in present-day Swahili. In modern Swahili, nouns are categorised in far less noun classes as shown below: Table 5: Modern Swahili noun classes (Mohammed, 2001) Note that classes 15, 16, 17 and 18 have not been illustrated above because they do not have plural forms Nouns in classes 1/2 denote only humans (but not all humans are in class 1/2). Class 14 refers to abstract characteristics. Class 15 has verbal infinitives and classes 16 18 are locatives. For the remaining classes the semantic base is less obvious. For example: class 3/4 contains words denoting plants and trees, class 9/10 contains names of animals, and class 6 contains liquids (Brown Ogilvie, 2009). 3.5 Compounding Like in English, words in Swahili compound to make a new word or give a specific definition to a word. This process of compounding mainly occurs in Swahili by conjoining two nouns (N+N), a noun and a verb (N+V), a noun and an adjective (N+A) and a verb and a noun (V+N). In some cases, compounding can also occur with a verb and a verb (V+V) or a verb and an adjective (V+A) (Nshubemuki, 1999). Table 6 shows a number of compounded terms in Swahili. Sometimes a word or term can get a whole new definition or can function in a whole new word class: Table 6: Compounded Swahili words (ibid.) Elements Swahili terms (English equivalent) derived Swahili term (English equivalent) N+N msumeno (saw) + juu (top) msumenoju (top saw) N+V kemikali (chemical) + amsha (stimulate) amshakikemilkali (chemical stimulation) N+A tumba (bud) + bwete (dormant) tumbabwete (dormant bud) V+N tegemea (depend(ent)) + kimelea (parasite) kimeleategemezi (hyperparasite) V+V fanya (make) + tendana (to do with) mfanyikotendani (process) V+A pasua (saw in two) + nyofu (straight) upasuajimnyofu (to break down timber) 4 Inflection and derivation in Swahili verbs The template of verbs in (6) makes it clear that inflection and derivation are morphological processes occurring in Swahili. Because of the importance of these processes, we will take a closer look at prefixation, suffixation, infixion and incorporation. 4.1 Prefixation Swahili is a prefix language where the verb stem or root is usually preceded by derivational prefixes. In turn, these derivational prefixes are preceded by inflectional prefixes (Prikola, 2001). The verbal morphology of Swahili involves many productive inflectional and derivational morphemes. The verbal prefixes are mainly inflectional. The main prefixes indicate the subject and object agreement markers and the tense markers (Seidl Dimitriadis, 2003). To specify this, we will give an example. Look at the Swahili sentences in (7) and their proposed translation in English, shown in between apostrophes (Fromkin, 2000): (7) Ninasoma Tunasoma Ni-na-soma Tu-na-soma 1S-Pres-read 1Pl-Pres-read I am reading We are reading First of all, lets have a look at what the two sentences above have in common. There is the verbs head, -soma, translated in English as (to) read. In (7) -soma works as the head of the sentence, the verb root. The morpheme -soma is bound. This verb root needs affixes, so that it can be used as a word (ibid.). The affixes in (7) are indicators of tense and person. Apparently, the prefix na- is a tense marker, which, combined with the verb root -soma, means something like present tense read, here translated as is and are. The remaining prefixes Ni- and Tu- provide information whether the person who is reading is first person singular (I) or first person plural (We). Looking at these examples, we can say that inflected Swahili verbs give information about tense and person. These sentences are complex verbs, because a complete sentence can be expressed by forming one word (ibid.). We can therefore say that Swahilis subject-verb-agreement morphology takes place through prefixes. 4.2 Suffixation In Swahili, the verbal suffixes show derivation which can be very productive. Derivational morphemes increase the vocabulary, but their occurrence is not related to sentence structure (ibid.). The most productive and frequently used derivational morphemes are the causative, passive, stative, applicative and reciprocal ones. They function as an extension of the verb. Swahili verbs can carry some derivational suffixes, but are bound to a specific order after the verb root. Some derivational suffixes (such as the causative and applicative) add an argument, some absorb an argument and some leave the number of arguments unchanged (SD, 2003). 4.3 Infixion and incorporation In the passive form, we see that infixes can occur in Swahili verbs (Buell, 2002): (8) kitabu hakitasomwa kitabu ha- ki- ta- som- w- a 7.book neg- 7.subj- Fut- read- Pass- default.vowel the book wont be read In (8) we see that the -w- functions as an infix for the passive. As shown above, incorporation of pronouns occurs in Swahili. The pronouns are incorporated within the verb. Infixion in negating infinitival nouns can occur as well. Here the infinitival noun shows an act of doing (and is derived from a verb) and therefore shows no number. Infixion of the grammatical particle -to- gives a negation to the infinitival noun. To make this clear, we will give an example (Mohammed, 2001): (9) kutokuja failure 5 Heads and hierarchy The head of a word is the element that contains the category and other properties of the word itself (Lieber, 1981). There are different theories concerning head and hierarchy. Williams theory assumes that the category of the items and their composition are attached to syntactic features (Williams, 1981). In other words, the prefixes give information about number and class and syntactically modify the mother node. An example (Droste, 1989): (10) shind root shind-a to conquer (verbal) shind-i / shind-aji / shind-e the conqueror (person) m-shind-I / m-shind-aji / m-shind-e who is conquered wa-shind-I / wa-shind-aji plural (11) M-tu person Wa-tu persons Ji-tu giant Ma-ji-tu giants Ki-tu thing vi-tu things In English we see the same phenomenon: (11) play Inf + -(e)d P played Dog Sg + -s Pl dogs Ugly Adj + -er Com uglier The fact that the suffix here functions as the head leads to a contradiction in the analysis of the right head rule in the word shind. According to Selkirk, prefixes are markers for plural, tense and person. In m-shind-i, the suffix -i is the head and the nominalizer, the root -shind- is an unmarked non-head and the non-head m- is marked for class and number to be percolated. In m-tu the root -tu percolates its inherent nominal category, whereas the prefix again stands for number and class (Selkirk, 1984). According to Selkirk, suffixes in Swahili are responsible for the category of a word: (12) A-li-vi-chom-a Sg sub. P-Pl-root-V A-li-vi = non heads (but they show SA, TA and OA) chom= root -a = head In English, the head always comes at the right most end of a word and determines the category or word class of the word. As mentioned above, we can conclude that in Swahili grammar membership of a word category is always determined by the right-hand morpheme. Williams noticed that the category of the items and the compositions are attached to syntactic features. Williams formulation of the right head rule therefore can be maintained. 6 Variation in morphology In Swahili, there can be variation in morphology. In the following, we will take a closer look at the occurrence of allomorphy, free variation and portmanteau in Swahili. 6.1 Allomorphy and free variation Allomorphs are morphemes that can be realized in different ways, while maintaining their meaning (Fromkin, 2000). In English, we see this in the word pills, which is pronounced as /pillz/, while the plural is usually formed by adding an consonant /-s/. Swahili also has allomorphs. For instance, the past tense markers -li and -ku. They are both used to express past tense, but differ in form. In passive verbs, the following allomorphs are used: -w, -liw, -iw and -w. For the causative verb, the allomorphs -sh, -esh, -sh, -z, -ez and -z (Mohammed, 2001). We see the same phenomenon with nouns. A word from noun class 1 takes mu- as a prefix, but when a class 1 noun starts with a vowel, the prefix changes to m- or mw- (Zawawi, 1979). (13) muuguzi nurses (14) mwezi thieves Because there is an underlying rule to this change, this is conditioned allomorphy. As we have seen, Swahili nouns take various class prefixes according to the class they belong. The noun class system is not as strict as implied. There are many words that do not fit in one of these classes based on a semantic characterization. There is variation which is illustrated in atypical, flexible, irregular, and un-prefixed nouns. A variation for the use of the noun classes is nominal derivation, by shifting nouns from one class to the other. For example, shifting nouns into class 7/8 denotes diminutive -kitoto a small child- while class 6 can be used to express a group of individuals, and not only the plural form: fisi (class 10) hyenas, mafisi (class 6) a pack of hyenas . But not only the classification of the noun class can vary. There is also variation in the noun prefixes. Sometimes two noun classes share the same prefix, but do not share the same noun class. For example, the regular prefix in classes 1 and 3 is m- . Some agreements are the same for both classes, and some are not. This can depend on the phonological form of the prefix rather than the syntactic-semantic characteristics of the noun class (Alcock Ngorosho, 2002). 6.2 Portmanteau A morpheme that contains multiple meaningful elements, is called a portmanteau. These different elements of meaning cannot be segmented within the morpheme (Fromkin, 2000). For instance, in English, the verb is represents third person, singular, present tense and the lexeme be. Portmanteaus also occur in Swahili. In the expression tu-li-wa-lim-ish-a, meaning We made them cultivate, the morpheme tu represents second person, plural and subject. In the same example, the morpheme wa represents first person, plural, object (Katamba, 1994). It is clear that in both cases, different phi-features are expressed in one morpheme. Therefore, we can conclude that they are portmanteaus. 7 Reduplication Swahili contains morphological reduplication. This means that all or a part of a word is copied (completely or partial) to show a change in meaning or usage. An example of reduplication is monosyllabic reduplication (Akinlabi, 1995). In this case the reduplicated morpheme is phonologically similar in order to produce disyllabic words. This is total reduplication: (15) ba-ba father bu-bu dumb person lu-lu pearl kwi-kwi hiccup A native consonant (C) plus a vowel (V) can be reduplicated, therefore this CV-structure is reduplicated. In some cases there is also a prefix involved. This prefix is responsible for the class of the word: (16) m-dudu an insect Neither monosyllabic stems such as ba or bu, nor trisyllabic stems such as bababa or bububu has the meaning of a disyllabic form like baba or bubu (ibid.). Monosyllabic reduplication is also found in six personal independent pronouns, as shown in table 1 and in (17) below: (17) Mimi I Sisi We Wewe You (Sg) Nyinyi You (Pl) Yeye S/he These pronouns are only meaningful when they are combined with another morpheme. Trisyllabic reduplication of a monosyllabic word like in (18) shows us partial reduplication (Akinlabi, 1995). (18) -eupe white Nyeupe pepepe very (snow) white -eusi black Nyeusi tititi very (pitch) black -fa die Kufa fofofo die completely Different meanings can occur when (parts of) words are reduplicated as shown in the monosyllabic, disyllabic and trisyllabic words in (19): (19) Kaka brother Kakaka variety of vegetable Kakakaka hastily In English, reduplication is not a regular process of word formation. It can occur though: Exact reduplication; papa, mama, goody-goody, never-never Ablaut reduplication; zig-zag, ping-pong, flip-flop Rhyme reduplication; razzle-dazzle, boogie-woogie, hodge-podge 8 Problems in morphological analysis While making this paper, we found some problems in analyzing Swahili morphology. In the following paragraphs we will look at some of these difficulties. 8.1 Zero morphemes While analyzing Swahili expressions difficulties may occur because of the existence of zero morphemes (Ø). Zero morphemes are morphemes that are neither pronounced, nor written, but do have a certain function. They can be applied in different ways. In Swahili, Ø can occur in verbs, nouns and subjects. 8.1.1 Zero morphemes: verbs When a verb is negated, the subject prefix is preceded by a negation marker si-, which replaces the pronominal subject prefix ni- and ha-. For instance, I didnt eat is sikukula in Swahili. Besides the pronominal subject prefix, the tense marker also changes, when the verb is negated. Some tense markers become null (Ø). These are the affirmative tense markers -a- (present simple), -na- (present continuous) and -hu- (present habitual) (Safari Akida, 2003). An example (Lot Publications, 2010): (20) ha-wa-Ã ¸-imb-i Neg-SA2-Pres-SAs-Neg.Pres.Ind They do not sing 8.1.2 Zero morphemes: nouns Looking at the noun classes in table 4, we see that nouns like fruits or produce of plants take the affix ma- in plural, but there is no affix to express the singular form. Therefore, the singular form takes a zero morpheme, as illustrated in (20) (Mohammed, 2001): (21) Ø chungwa an orange machungwa oranges Ø ua a flower mauwa flowers The zero morpheme indicates that the word is singular. Besides the class that is shown in the example, there are many more classes that take a zero morpheme to differentiate between plural and singular. When we compare this to English, we see that in English, a singular noun is most likely to be preceded by a determiner and the plural form is often locked into the word (an apple apples). But there are some nouns that carry a zero morpheme. For instance: the word fish remains the same when the plural form is derived from the singular noun. In the plural form, a zero morpheme is the most right morpheme. This silent morpheme is placed here to distinguish between plural and singular nouns. 8.1.3 Zero morphemes: null subject and null objects In some Swahili clauses, the subject or object is marked by a zero morpheme: the morpheme that marks the person and number of the subject or object is not written nor pronounced. The subject can be absent (22), as well as the object (23) (Deen, 2002): (22) a na m pend a Mariam SA3s Pres- OA3s like- Ind Mariam He likes Mariam (23) a na m pend a SA3s- Pres OA3s like Ind He likes her We can recognise the phi features of subject and object, looking at the subject- and object agreement within the verb. Swahili is a null subject language, whereas in English, subject dropping is less common (ibid.). In English, the subject can be dropped in informal communication (24). However, there are many restrictions: the subject can not be dropped in questions (25); stressed subjects can not be omitted (26); subject pronoun drop is not permitted in embedded clauses (27) (Weir, 2009): (24) Dont think I can make it tonight. (25) *Are Ø going to the party? (26) A: Who runs this place? B: * Run this place. (27) *Ø Dont think Ø should go. 8.2 Stem marker -ku- An other difficulty in analyzing Swahili morphology is the infinitival marker ku. As mentioned in the infinitival noun example in (9), some verbs in Swahili require the insertion of the morpheme -ku-. In negative infinitives, this would mean that there are two infinitival markers: (28) ku-to-ku-j-a ku-Neg-ku-come-FV not to come In his article A lexical treatment for stem markers in Swahili, Marten claims that the general analysis of the second -ku- in example (28) as a stem marker. A stem marker should be inserted when the tense markers cannot carry stress. The analysis of -ku- as a stem marker in example (28), implies unjustly that there are two infinitival markers in negative infinitives (Marten, 2002). It is clear that there is more than one way to analyze the morpheme -ku-. 8.3 Word boundaries In Swahili, it is difficult to determine word boundaries. We can detect a boundary by looking at the verb template as given earlier in paragraph 3.3. Another important element in determining word boundaries, is stress (Zwart, 1997). 9 Conclusion In this paper we gave a description of Swahili morphology and where possible, drew parallels between Swahili and English. There are some broad similarities between the two languages. Swahili and English share the same (bare verb-) language class. Both languages are right headed languages, even though in Swahili a finite vowel can be placed after the head. Many of the morphological processes that occur in Swahili, occur in English as well. However, the degree to which these processes occur, differs. In Swahili, inflection and derivation have a more decisive role than in English. The fact that Swahili nouns (which can be placed in different noun classes) are often bound and need a prefix, unlike in English, where most nouns are free, illustrates this. Reduplication is another phenomenon that occurs more often in Swahili than in English. In Swahili, even personal pronouns are reduplications. The use of zero morphemes, portmanteaus and allomorphs is also more common in Swahili than in En glish. Swahili has some characteristics that cannot be related to English, like the problem of analyzing the stem marker -ku- and the determining of word boundaries. Another example is the way verbs are built. The verb template in Swahili differs from the verb template in English. The underlying cause of many of the differences between the languages is their typology: Swahili is a polysynthetic language, English is an inflectional language. The difference in typology is an important explanation for the difference in the occurrence of many of the morphological processes.

The Global Journey In The Sin Dejar Huella Media Essay

The Global Journey In The Sin Dejar Huella Media Essay Sin dejar huella (Without Leaving a Trace, 2000) is a film written and directed by Marà ­a Novaro. It is based on a journey undertaken by two female fugitives Ana and Aurelia travelling along the back roads of Mexico from Ciudad Juà ¡rez to Cancà ºn. Sin dejar huella is similar to Novaros other film productions: it is structured around a physical, objective journey and Novaro makes clear allusions and references to the melodramatic themes of motherhood, female friendship and invisible male figures in contemporary Mexico. Sin dejar huella belongs to the niche genre of the womens road movie and has triggered comparisons with Ridley Scotts tragicomic feminist road movie Thelma and Louise (1991). Cohan and Hark outline the road movie as representing a questà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦for a better life, a new social order, or fulfilment.  [1]  However, the journey across Mexico in Novaros feature film transcends the conventional spiritual quest of finding yourself and Bildungsroman as associated with this movie genre. It differentiates itself from the melodramatic undertones of her earlier film productions and the lightheartedness of Scotts 1991 feature specifically through the interplay of amalgamating elements from the cultures of different regions  [2]   the local and global influences and behaviour in Mexico through which Novaro addresses her socio-political concerns of poverty, social neglect, globalisation and the pace of modernity. In this respect, certain parallels can be drawn between Sin dejar huella and Dennis Hoppers Easy Rider (1969) in which, as one critic points out: The search for America undertaken by Captain America and his sidekick Billy is not geographical, it is literally a quest to find out where Americas head is at. The people and places represented in that quest are evocative of different states of consciousness co-existing unpeacefully in this country and all over the world. Each stop on the road is an encounter with a different awareness of what is real and what is of value. Novaro uses the velocity of the high speed chase in the narrative to ignite the film from within, effectively creating a momentum through which she engages the audience and, similar to Hoppers 1969 feature, enters an incisive discourse to find out exactly where Mexicos head is at. This essay is an attempt to investigate Sin dejar huella within the context of the glocal  [3]  ; focusing on the mise en scà ¨ne and the characterisation of the protagonists, I will consider how aspects of the local, regional and global or the micro-meso-macro are pooled together to generate an image of contemporary Mexico. More specifically, I will analyse the changing roles of Ana and Aurelia and the development of camaraderie between the two initially polarised characters as they progress through their journey: I will attempt to draw a correlation between the local and global influences they confront and are forced to adapt to, in particular from their positions as women living on the margins of Mexican society, and how this leads to a level of co-dependency and a drive for the formation of their relationship, representative of a creation of a new identity in Mexico. Firstly, it is significant to consider the influences and reasons for Novaros interplay with the local and global in Sin dejar huella, and how they enable the film to explore aspects of globalisation in Mexico. Mexicos entry into NAFTA  [4]  in 1994 and President Salinas de Gortaris free-market policies led to a fall in national film production and distribution. Subsequently, agreements and alliances were established between Spanish and Mexican production companies in the late 1990s with the aim to fortalecer los lazos de coloboracià ³n  [5]   to locally produce films and television programmes (where it would have been cheaper) and extend their reach beyond the national, and towards regional and global markets. The preconditions of these agreements were to incorporate Mexicans and Spaniards at the level of both cast and crew, generally in proportion to the percentage of funding offered by each country  [6]   essentially an obligatory interplay and exchange between the lo cal and the global. Sin dejar huella was part of this new wave of transnational cinema production: it was co-produced by Mexicos AltaVista Films and Spains Tornasol Films, and Aitana Sà ¡nchez-Gijà ³n a widely recognised Spanish-Italian and Hollywood film actress  [7]   was cast as the female co-protagonist in the film. The representation of distinct upbringings and ways of life in Spain and Mexico are underlined through the mise-en-scà ¨ne, characterisation, and the cooperation between the two protagonists in Sin dejar huella, which relate to the idea that the interplay between the local and the global stems from the preconditioned film production requirements and transnational influences. From the outset of the narrative, the costume and the dià ¡logos humorà ­sticos  [8]  between Ana and Aurelia draw immediate attention to their differing local and global consumer attitudes: Ana wears luxury Western designer accessories, such as high-heeled sandals, a Longines watch and Gucci sunglasses which are emphasised in repeated medium frame talking head shots. Aurelia, conversely, wears cowboy boots relating to the traditional outfit of the Mexican vaquero and has neither heard of these global brands, nor recognises their monetary value: she comically mistakes Gucci for Fuchi and exchanges the Long ines watch for only enough money to buy a telephone call-card. As the narrative progresses, it is significant to note that the women share and barter their clothes and accessories. The economic and information exchange between Spain and Mexico and the establishment of friendly ties between the two countries in the film production, and also represented in the on-screen local-global trade could in fact be a constructive and encouraging image of Mexicos entry into global economic activity. However, although the incorporation of Sà ¡nchez-Gijà ³n was a mere compliance with the conditions of co-producing, and the economic activity in the narrative representative of a progressive image of the Mexico-Spain film alliance, a close cinematographic analysis of the maturity of Ana and Aurelias relationship, and the shifting image of what it means to be a Mexican woman would reveal that the interplay between the local and the global transcends these practical factors. The doll is a widely recognised and iconic symbol of the feminine ideal; it is a beautifully constructed, motionless object that is subject to gaze and adoration. In the opening ten minutes of Sin dejar huella both Ana and Aurelia break away from this anachronistic and illusory symbols of Mexican femininity in the physical destruction of doll figurines: for Ana it is a ceramic figure of dama de Kolpecà ©, una tejedora, figura de Jaina del periodo clasico maya  [9]  she was exporting as a replica Mayan artefact to the Museum of Denver, Colorado; for Aurelia it is the bride figurine from her wedding cake and under which she had stashed cocaine for her narcotraficante boyfriend. Despite the physical exterior of the figurines a bride and a weaver it is the interior of the figurines are the sources of their corruption that have led them to embark on this quest the drugs and the forgery what the women have to resort to/ the realities of life as a woman in Mexico despite the education and (what appears to be) a stable marriage life on the margins is and are the factors that have driven them to embark on this quest to find out that what is actually contained within the dolls (for Ana it is a Mexican peso and in Aurelia ´s case, drugs), Destruction of what the doll represents and evocative of their search to find a new alternative definition of femininity in contemporary Mexico, albeit perhaps a broken and less defined image. This journey away from the expectations of womanhood that they have essentially been forced to conform to by default is exemplified in the road sign No hay retorno since there is effectively no turning back; Ana and Aurelia had to break this image, showing almost a progressive image and a development. Before the women have even met each other in the narrative they are united The physical destruction of the dolls as the towards achieving their liberation is representative of the journey these women will undertake as they continue through the journey across Mexico This dichotomy the two women face between subserving the image and breaking away to achieving exactly what they want, serves as a vehicle towards the formation of their friendship and an establishment of their co-dependency. In every scene in which their friendship is developed the fundamental human needs are brought to the forefront, despite the local-global differences that surround them: When Aurelia witnesses Ana drinking water from a public fountain, Aurelia is shocked and offers to buy her bottled water. It is ironic in their reversal of attitudes and financial situations: Ana is the more globalised traveller, yet is faced with a situation in which she cannot pay for a basic human requirement, Aurelia, a woman who has grown up working in the sweat-shops of Northern Mexico ironically is aware of the problems of drinking tap-water. It is at this moment that a level of dependency arises from Ana onto Aurelia. This dependency that emerges is particularly significant in reference to Aurelia ´s mocking comment in the car Loz ezpaà ±olez hablan azà ­, emphasising the lisp common in Spanish speech, which draws attention to their global differences. This dependency is transformed into a friendship between the two women as witnessed at the Playa Paraà ­so where a sign embedded in the sand which reads Sà ³lo se encuentran amigos aquà ­ is focussed on and the women subsequently bathe in the sea water. Their physical immersion into the water perhaps could be inferred as a religious imagery of soul cleansing or baptism or the two women united by the water, a vital ingredient for life, and an element that is necessary for all regardless of their race or nationality. This visual imagery is significant in Novaro ´s interplay between the local and the global because the sea is the factor that connects the local and the global, national and international altogether not solely in a conceptual manner but also geographically. This concept of the connection between nations through water (*) is represented in the scene that motivates Aurelia to embark on the journey itself in which she watches a man (like Ana and Aurelia) take of his clothes and cross a river to El Paso, Texas. The notion of water as an immersing factor in representing the ability to cross / traverse across onto a new, better world is also what differentiates the women when confronted by borders each women reacts differently as a result of their upbringing and where they essentially originate from. Ana, as a  ´globe-trotter, having lived, worked and loved in many countries confronts borders as a means of surviving financially she trades false Mayan artefacts to the Museum of Denver, America. Aurelia, conversely, views borders as a liberating factor: a chance to improve her lifestyle and provide her children with the opportunity for a better life. The relationships with men are significant factors that differentiate the women Ana ´s characterisation as a femme fatale as emphasised by the mise-en-scene in her dress is chased by a lecherous cop, Mendizabal : he smells her hair and almost fetishises his search for her, and in fact his hunt for her is like him wanting a foreign woman as a trophy to hang up. Ana is somewhat feared by men as a result of her education and her dress. Their relationship with men Ana and Mendizabel goes beyond the femme fatale as her costume would suggest she does not want to use her beauty, charm or sexual allure to ensnare Mendizabel She does however torture her lover denying confirmation of her affection and driving him to the point of obsession and exhaustion so that he is incapable of making rational decisions it ultimately leads to his death he is killed by the wrong person She is in fact feared by Mendizabal Aurelia and BILLY AND JUANITO even her sexual relationship is with a 19year old boy Her relationship with men is reflected on to youth of mexico perhaps a progressive image of Mexico? Education of Juanito Sex scene he goes for her breasts nurturing mother Aurelia is the madre coraje will risk anything for her children using the traditional methods of education, good-schooling ensuring change, Juanito holds strong morals Heralclio Chuc progressive image of Mexico heading towards globalisation and a romanticised image of the past vs. the irony of the indigenous culture still existing within the forces of global.. Margins of society left out and the irony that they have tore-create their roots/ portray themselves as existing in the past attempt to regenerate their history (illegally) In an interview with Fernando Brenner, Novaro stated that: Querà ­a mostrar un Mà ©xico muy contrastante: el sur y el norte. Y dos mujeres muy diferentes. Ademà ¡s una de ellas tenà ­a que tener mà ¡s capacidad para ver a Mà ©xico, precisamente por no ser mexicana. Ése fue mi punto de partida, y una sensacià ³n que tengo no me siento mexicana en la zona Yucatà ¡n, como le pasa a muchos mexicanos, pues estamos en la regià ³n maya. Y sea que esa vivencia, la de ser una extranjera en mi patria, convive con mi encanto por estar en mi paà ­s. Foreign influence in Mexico Road movie genre inexorably transcultural The movement in the movie itself parallels this shifting image of Mexico Last paragraph the image of a changing mexico isnt negative a progressive image of the change and that the foreign influence isnt always going to be negative However, despite the fast-pace change of modernity/ global influence, there is still a level of humanity this doesnt change Ana steals the money but brings it back, mariachi band at the end she remembers Survival basic human needs they converge in this respect because they both rely on each other/ are dependent on each other food, drinking, sleep

Women Athletes of the 1920s Essay -- Sports, Upper-Class Women

The 1920s was a time for many new opportunities for women in America, including participating in sports and becoming athletes. Prior to the Roaring Twenties, only upper-class women had participated in sports. These wealthy women had joined sports clubs, social clubs, and country clubs. They engaged in sports at institutions, as well as playing sports while vacationing in Europe (Women’s Sports Foundation, 2/21/2011). An example of a woman like this would be Jordan Baker, a character from the novel The Great Gatsby. Jordan is a competitive golfer in the novel. Baker comes from the wealthy, upper-class, and is ‘old money’. Consumerism of the 1920s caused the amount of clubs and sports teams for women to multiply. This materialistic attitude of Americans caused the economy to boom, thus providing more money for leisure activities. Institutions, churches, and saloons sponsored sports teams for women, and provided facilities. Declining prices of sporting goods and increasing popularity of sports as entertainment encouraged the formation of leagues. Both amateur and semi-pro leagues were organized, providing opportunities for middle-class athletes (Women’s Sports Foundation, 2/21/2011) Industries and companies supported sports teams for women. They did this to promote personal health and worker efficiency. These teams brought advertising opportunities for the companies who supported them. This offered competitive opportunities for women and occasional income for the athletes (Women’s Sports Foundation, 2/21/2011). To satisfy the competitive urge of their students, physical educators held â€Å"Play Days† and â€Å"Sport Days† for their female students. In a play day, teams from institutions did not play each other, but were comb... ...se at the end of the race† (Smith, 1998, p. 8). Eyewitnesses proclaimed that women were in no more distress than men when they finished the race. The majority of the International Olympic Committee believed that track and field was too hard for women, and proposed other events, that included activities such as singing and dancing. The 1920s was the just the beginning of women in sports. The booming post-war economy and the sports heroines increased the popularity of women athletes. The idea of a woman was changing, from being dainty and delicate to athletic, healthy and strong. There has been a growth in opportunities for women in sports, and the media brought this competition to everyone’s attention around the world. The accomplishments of the women athletes of the 1920s were the beginning of the journey to becoming equal to men in the world of sports.

The Spanish Revolution :: essays research papers

Ever since the fall of 1930 when the Spanish Revolution began there has been no surcease of the struggle in Spain. For a long time there was a deadlock of forces, an equilibrium in the tug of war between the property holders and the destitute. Now the equilibrium is being definitely broken. The issue before Spain is either Communism or Fascism. The matter is being fought out not with ballots but with bullets and ruthless civil war. Slowly the political revolution is being definitively turned into a social revolution. From the very beginning, the mass of workers of Spain, both in the city and in the country were the decisive elements. When the students rioted before the universities in 1930 it was only when the workers joined them with a vast general strike that the regime of the military dictator, Primo de Rivera, fell and the temporary regime of General Berenguer set up. When General Berenguer tried to hold fake elections without extending the franchise to all, it was another general strike that overthrew the regime, compelled new elections, forced the king to flee and established the republic in April 1931. At this point the Syndicalist and Anarchist workers began to miscalculate their forces. Syndicalism and Anarchism, in spite of their revolutionary phraseology were able only to overthrow the old regime and to allow the new democratic republic to be set up; but these movements could not go forward to the positive constructive tasks of setting up the rule of the workers. These antiquated movements were good enough to accomplish the negative and critical tasks of overthrowing an antiquated monarchy; they did not know how to deal with a modern bourgeois republic. In the course of the revolutionary movement there was set up what in fact amounts to a dual power, the masses respecting the authority of the unions and the revolutionary organizations, the government being forced at times to yield to the opinions of these mass organizations on vital questions. At one time the bourgeois government was even forced to declare that Spain was a workers republic and to feign friendliness toward the Soviet Union. The leaders of the toilers' organizations, however, did not know what to do with their power. The lending groups were composed of four principal elements: the Anarchists, the Syndicalists, the Socialists and the Communists. The Anarchists were powerful enough within the trade union movement to exercise decisive influence for a time upon the whole situation.

Critical Thinking Students

A critical student is one who ‘does not accept information without first examining it from different angles or perspectives. ’ Discuss this definition in relation to the critical thinking expected of university students in essay writing. Incorporate relevant readings in your discussion. In the changing landscape of the Australian education system, it can be difficult to ascertain what is expected of university students in essay writing. Indeed expectations can vary from institution to institution and even tutor to tutor, however the one commonality is the expectation of critical thinking in students. In this essay, I will argue that in universities, critical thinking is not only encouraged of university students in essay writing, but is also expected. I will explore what it means to be critical in ones thinking, discuss the expectations of students in essay writing and will provide alternative learning methods to illustrate other viewpoints. In order to achieve this, I will draw upon relevant readings to support my thesis. The word ‘critical’ is to describe â€Å"that which is urgent, serious, crucial or of fundamental importance† (Craig 1994, 54). In relation to essay writing, to be critical in ones thinking is to â€Å"question the phenomenon of study rather than simply accept and repeat the facts† (Craig 1994, 54). Warren (1995) provides some context to these definitions in her essay ‘The critical self’. She defines critical thinking as a reflective and reasonable thought process that dictates our decisions on what we do or believe (2). She refers to her teaching experiences and at the lack of the critical thinking abilities in her students at that time. Through these experiences and subsequent teachings on philosophy and specifically critical thinking, she draws conclusions that students like to think in this way and consequently their self-esteem improves as they are able to develop these skills (1). Her strong conviction that â€Å"critical thinking is both necessary and vital to learning itself† is a powerful statement to her beliefs in this area (Warren 1995, 1). In order to evaluate Warren’s claims, we must discuss what is actually expected of university students in relation to essay writing. According to Krause (2005), the Australian higher education has significantly evolved in recent years and as such student and university staff expectations have also changed (1). She points out that students now spend less time on campus than in the past and discusses how technology has influenced an increase in a more diverse range of students engaging in study (3). This has resulted in a larger number of students studying via correspondence and an increase in mature age and international students when compared with ten years ago (4). Given this changing landscape in university learning, it is clear why there is sometimes disconnect between what student’s believe is expected of them and what a university actually expects, specifically in relation to essay writing. This disconnect becomes more evident when distance is a factor. Warren (1995) provides an interesting example on the poor performance of her students in relation to essay writing. According to Warren, her students were attentive in class, actively participated and dedicated the required amount of study. Her evaluation of the poor performance was that her students â€Å"lacked critical thinking skills† (1). To properly assess the expectations placed on students, it is necessary to look at the wording of an essay topic. In all essay topics, one is asked to argue a thesis or debate a claim. The ability to present arguments in a manner that influences or persuades others is central to critical thinking (Marshall and Rowland 2006, 43). The very nature of how essay topics are structured and assessed can only lead to the conclusion that critical thinking is expected in essay writing. Without debating and negotiating positions, resolving conflict, reflecting and dealing with opposition, all of which are acts of critical thinking, the essay is not fulfilling the basic requirement of arguing a position (Marshall & Rowland 2006, 43). If part of critical thinking is reflection, as stated by Warren (1995), than it is important to understand the reflection process. Pavlovich (2007) suggests the reflection process begins with asking questions and states it is â€Å"as much a state of mind as it is a set of activities† (284). She argues the end result of reflection is a deeper understanding of all matters (284). Self -reflection is the ability to critique oneself, to ask questions like â€Å"What is my goal in life? † â€Å"What am I striving for? † â€Å"What is my purpose? † (Rogers 1697, 164). These are questions that some are unable to answer through their entire lives and yet within the context of university learning and specifically essay writing, there is an expectation that students are able to self- reflect, to see multiple facets of an argument, to question and to be critical. Warren (1995) also talks about the self-reflection process and argues that critical thinking â€Å"is an aspect of reflective thinking† (2). She asserts that only when critical thinking, creative thinking and content knowledge – what she describes as ‘the 3 C’s’ – overlap, does one has all the components of reflective thinking (2). She further argues that one can only be critical in the context of their surroundings or circumstances, such as gender or race and without the willingness to identify with and use background knowledge one â€Å"is not a critical thinker† (3). In the context of being a university student and writing essays, to think critically is to learn to process information and â€Å"to form reasoned opinions, evaluate beliefs, construct positions†¦ (and) articulate a thesis† (Warren 1995, 4). Critical thinking in this context is to realise ones full potential as â€Å"to really learn anything at all one must engage the critical self† (Warren 1995, 4). Of course, there are many other methods to learning and it can be argued that one size does not fit all. In certain disciplines, it can be assumed that critical thinking is not necessary, for example in complex technical environments where ‘x’ must always equal ‘y’. In many cases, there is a mismatch between personal learning styles and learning demands of different disciplines (Kolb 1981, 233). Kolb (1981) explores various learning styles and his discussion can lead one to believe that critical thinking is not central to the acquisition of knowledge (233). One could argue that in some fields it is imperative to memorise information and follow set instructions and not to look at information from various viewpoints. For example, there would be an expectation that a surgeon follows strict protocol when performing a complex operation. I would argue however, that some of the greatest advances in human history have been a result of those who are willing to question the way things are done and to explore alternatives options. Whilst it is important to recognise different learning styles suit different individuals and to adjust expectations accordingly, the basis of a student not accepting information without â€Å"examining it from different angles and perspectives† (Craig 1994, 54) is central to learning and is a key expectation of students in essay writing at university. The expectations placed upon students in relation to essay writing at university may vary, but the common denominator is the expectancy on students to be able to think critically and to articulate this in written form. I have provided a definition of critical thinking and have discussed how the changing landscape of the Australian education system can cause some confusion around expectations placed on students. I have offered alternative learning methods to demonstrate the need for some flexibility and adaptability around the expectations placed on students to cater for different learning style. Throughout this essay, I have maintained that regardless of these different learning styles, there is a universal expectation placed on university students to think critically, particularly in relation to essay writing and have used examples to argue this thesis.

Parting The Waters Essay

The book â€Å"Parting the Waters† by Taylor Branch not only highlights the life and times of Martin Luther King Jr. , but also shows the parallel course King’s life took with the civil rights movement and even before it. This book provides a historical look at the Civil Rights Movement from 1964 to 1963. The first half of the book shows the origins of the civil rights movement parallel to that of the life of Martin Luther King Jr. Some of the significant points raised by branch were as follows: The â€Å"birth† of the black preacher, John Rockefeller’s endowment, King’s early education and the immediate cause of the civil rights movement. Following their emancipation from slavery, the African-American people’s journey to freedom has actually begun. Despite the complete abolition of slavery, segregation took its place as most whites, especially from the South, found it hard to accept former slaves as equals and still sought to marginalize the black people. It was only in the church that blacks found leaders who were of strong character and would be the launch pad on their crusade for equality. As W. E. B. DuBois put it, the preacher is â€Å"the most unique personality developed by the Negro† (quoted in Branch 3). Next would be a footnote in the history of origins of the civil rights movement with the involvement of tycoon and philanthropist John D. Rockefeller whose involvement in the advancement of the African-Americans was attributed to his wife, Laura Spelman whose family were known abolitionists of the antebellum and civil war era. Because of this, Rockefeller provided an endowment for the creation of a school for blacks which would be named after his wife’s family (Spelman College) in Atlanta, once the heart of the Confederacy. The significance of these two circumstances would be that Martin Luther King’s maternal grandfather, and his father were preachers and his maternal grandmother Jennie Parks and his mother Alberta were students of Spelman College, therefore, a beneficiary of Rockefeller’s philanthropy (Branch 30). The education of his parents enabled the younger King to live a relatively comfortable life compared to other blacks who were not as fortunate as his family and lived in virtually a hand-to-mouth existence because segregation denied them the opportunities to better their lives. King’s education took him to Pennsylvania where he was exposed to liberal education that made him feel like an equal. He began his first public ministry at the age of 25, at the time the Supreme Court, the the Brown vs. Board ruling outlawed segregation in schools. But this was only the tip of the proverbial iceberg. The catalyst of the civil rights movement began when Rosa Parks, a seamstress from Montgomery, Alabama, was arrested for refusing to give up her seat at the bus. This incident had prodded King to take the lead in the civil rights movement and thereby set the course he took which would irrevocably change his life (Branch 150). In the second half of the book. It covers the crusade Martin Luther King had now taken up and led following his political baptism of fire, from the twilight of the Eisenhower years , the advancement of John F, Kennedy and eventually the dawning of the New South. Taking a leaf from Gandhi’s passive resistance approach, King endured sufferings and humiliations yet he took it in stride in the same manner as Christ and persevered. Under such conditions the U. S. Congress passed the Civil Rights Act, which ensures that all people born in the United States are accorded equal protection law and that race could not be used as a condition to deprive them of their civil rights (Branch 303). All in all, Parting the Waters proved to be an excellent start in the 3-volume history of the civil rights movement by Branch who would follow it up with â€Å"Pillar of Fire† and â€Å"At Canaan’s Edge. † One would notice that the titles allude to the history of the Hebrews as told in the book of Exodus in the Bible. Branch was somehow able to draw a parallelism of the odyssey of the Hebrews to that of the African-Americans on their quest for real freedom and equality. Works Cited Branch, Taylor. Parting the Waters. America in the King Years: 1954-63. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1989.